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Here are four core challenges:

1

Though certain, violence reduction

is slow. In fact, we know a country

is on this path when murders are con-

sistently reduced by small margins such

as one to five per cent each year such

as in Honduras and Colombia. Violence

reduction is not good for Jamaican

politicians and die-hard Labourites and

Comrades who want things to happen

fast before the next general election.

2

It does not fit well into our culture

of “We want justice now!” “We

want results now, a long time we a

suffa!” This means that it will not auto-

matically get public support, especially

since people will be dying while we

embark on this journey to reduce vio-

lence. The best handle to use to sell vio-

lence reduction is logic: since the sup-

pression has failed so miserably, let us

try something new. This would, howev-

er, require serious social marketing.

3

It requires major investments in

research, and the ownership cannot

be singular. This means that the private

sector would have to invest heavily in

the reduction of violence and wait for

five-10 years to reap the benefits.

Nonetheless, current figures show that

violence directly wipes out four per

cent of GDP, and between two and 17

per cent of businesses, depending on

the size and type. Hence, it is prudent

for the private sector to treat violence

reduction as an investment. Belize’s

private sector, government, and interna-

tional donors invested about

US$200,000 in the Male Social

Participation and Violence Study

(Gayle 2016). Today, they have materi-

al to use to embark on their journey of

reduction. It would cost Jamaica only

US$500,000 to carry out a similar vio-

lence audit across the country over five

years – and it is now urgent.

4

Reduction strategies focus on the

actors, and in so doing, help to

reduce the number of victims. This

will require a major paradigm shift as

we love victims (having being vic-

timised for centuries). Note, though,

that no young person who perpetrates

violence is only an actor – they are

also victims of structural and direct

violence. By now, we have all come

to recognise that humans transfer vio-

lence: males oppress younger, smaller,

or weaker males, who find smaller

and economically vulnerable females

to oppress; these battered women are

the most likely to abuse children; and

these children are the most likely to

bully smaller or isolated children.

This is why experts rescue both the

bullied and the bully – not rescue the

victim and expel the bully to go to

another school to carry on the act.

A reduction strategy requires us to

address the root causes of our violence.

It is based on the observation that vio-

lence is a bi-product of our social ills.

In other words, if we fix the social ills

that directly affect violence, the prob-

lem will automatically wither away.

Suppression addresses the symptoms of

our problems and makes politicians,

victims, and some citizens enjoy a

quick fix like crack addicts. In fact, the

longer we take to address the root caus-

es, the deeper we sink into our addic-

tion of suppression and the more vio-

lent we become. Some of us are already

addicted to suppression. On several

occasions, citizens have been videoed,

shouting: “Shoot him nuh, squaddie!”

Reducing youth violence is more complex

than suppressing it.

VIOLENCE-REDUCTION STRATEGIES

ARE NOT POPULAR, BUT NECESSARY

So why do we have an average homi-

cide rate of 48 per 100,000 since the year

2000? Why was our homicide rate for

2016 an alarming 50 per 100,000 (six

times higher than the world’s average),

despite all the police aggression and

fancy gang strategies? We already know

that our crisis of gang violence and

organised crime comes from a complex

causal flow of factors. However, I shall

remind you:

Our history of slavery and colonialism

created two major crises in Jamaica:

• Segmentary factional (violent) politics,

and

• Eroded families (absent fathers, espe-

cially in inner cities, causing at-risk mothers

to torture boys, with disastrous results);

Segmentary factional politics always cre-

ates weak central political authority as it

takes teamwork to develop a stable country;

The weak central political authority over-

burdens the police and overexposes them

to violence;

War-ready police clash with the unloved,

unsupported, and sometimes tortured young

men, who are also at war with each other.

There are broad

reduction projects that

need to be done in the

medium to long run

(five-20 years):

Change the ecology

or environment that

breeds violence –

increase the welfare

net through PATH

rather than MPs;

address sanitation

needs of crisis fami-

lies; address the

needs of ‘on the

street’ and ‘of the

street children’; and

dramatically reduce

the trafficking of

girls.

Reduce social exclu-

sion of youth (male

and female) –

apprenticeship, men-

torship for all inner-

city and rural poor

youth.

Ensure that all inner-

city children are

attending school full

time – not only girls

– and thus reduce the

power of gangs to

mobilise.

Encourage educated

women to continue

reducing the reliance

of politicians on

violence to win

elections.

Speed up the process

of modernising the

JCF.

VIOLENCE REDUCTION

IN THE LONG TERM

WHY ARE WE STILL STRUGGLING TO CONTAIN VIOLENCE?

PUBLISHED: FEBRUARY 2, 2017